Socialismo (Paetel, Karl Otto)

Tratto dal Manifesto Nazional Bolscevico

Ricapitoliamo:

Siamo socialisti.

Questo significa:

Al momento della rivoluzione, chiediamo:

1. Nazionalizzazione del territorio e del suolo.

Distribuzione dei latifondi. Tutta la proprietà terriera in futuro sarà il mandato della nazione.

2. Trasferimento di tutte le imprese industriali, bancarie, dei grandi magazzini, delle risorse minerarie, minerarie e dei trasporti di grandi e medie dimensioni nelle mani del Volk.

3. Economia pianificata dallo Stato con il monopolio del commercio estero.


4. Armi nelle mani di tutti: costituzione di una milizia popolare [Volksheeres].


Qualsiasi dottrina della partecipazione agli utili e della gestione privata che garantisca, anche parzialmente, la proprietà privata dei mezzi di produzione e il carattere merceologico della terra, sono manovre diversive semi-fasciste.

Un'economia pianificata come quella richiesta da Werner Sombart * nel suo Futuro del Capitalismo ["Zukunft des Kapitalismus"], che prevede "proprietà privata e proprietà sociale, economia privata ed economia sociale", è una delle tante mezze misure desiderate oggi, a tutti gli effetti, solo come ultima risorsa, anche dal popolo Tat†.

Ciò include principalmente il "socialismo tedesco" di Strasser, ma anche, ad esempio, il "possedismo" dei Wehrwolf.‡

La legge fondamentale del vero socialismo nazionalista rimane: l'economia nelle mani della nazione.

Questa legge si applica tanto all'impresa industriale quanto alla questione della proprietà, ma soprattutto serve da giustificazione all'autarchia e al monopolio del commercio estero.

Fonte:

Dal Manifesto Nazional Bolscevico scritto da Karl Otto Paetel nel 1933

Note del traduttore inglese:

* Werner Sombart was a prominent German Marxist, economist, and social scientist responsible for a number of influential theoretical works on capitalism. From the time of WWI onwards Sombart began to grow more and more nationalistically inclined, gradually drifting into the orbit of the Conservative Revolutionary intellectuals. By 1933 he had officially embraced National Socialism and become a supporter of the NSDAP, although his personal brand of National Socialism was never entirely orthodox. His 1934 work Deutscher Sozialismus (‘German Socialism’) attempted to provide National Socialism with a solid philosophical, metaphysical foundation, although its contents (which contains unreserved praise of both Otto Strasser and Hans Zehrer, as well as a fairly moderate approach to the ‘Jewish question’) suggests a line of thinking guided more by intellectual flexibility than by rigid dogmatism. Sombart lived relatively comfortably in the Third
Reich, although he encountered difficulties with the state at times. He died in 1941. 

† Die Tat (‘Il fatto’) was probably Germany’s most prominent nationalist intellectual journal. Founded in 1909 as a nonsectarian publication for the discussion of theological concepts, by 1929 it was being edited by national-revolutionary intellectual Hans Zehrer and its circle of contributors (the ‘Tatkreis’, or Tat-circle) were well-known in the German radical milieu for their advocacy of elitism and autarchy, their critiques of democracy and capitalism, and their mixed feelings towards the National Socialist movement.

‡ The Wehrwolf was a nationalist paramilitary founded in 1923 by teacher and journalist Fritz Kloppe, originally as a splinter-group from the Stahlhelm’s youth movement, the Young Stahlhelm (‘Jungstahlhelm’). Members used as symbols the death’s head, the wolfsangel, and the letter ‘W’, all of which adorned their field-grey uniforms and black flags. The Wehrwolf was both strongly völkisch and more overtly anti-capitalist than other, similar nationalist paramilitaries; it was for a period nominally part of Otto Strasser’s ‘Black Front’ umbrella organization, and its leadership maintained links with the ‘right-bolshevist’ Freikorps Oberland and to Ernst Niekisch’s ‘Widerstand-kreis’ (the circle of frequent contributors to Niekisch’s journal, Widerstand). The Wehrwolf presented its own economic doctrine (devised by Kloppe) as an alternative to both capitalism and socialism: ‘Possedism’ (‘Possedismus’), derived from the Latin verb ‘possedere’ (to possess, to own, sometimes translated as ‘Ownerism’). The Wehrwolf and its youth organization, the Jungwolf, agreed to be absorbed into the SA and the Hitler Youth in 1933.